How to Cook a Wolf
By M.F.K Fisher
Book Review by Mike Dresser
“You can buy a cheap cut, of course, like a round-bone steak, and have the butcher run it through a fantastic little electric machine called a Tender-Lux or some such thing. Then it comes out looking all nibbled, and supposedly tasting like the finest T-bone.
“Or you can make a mixture of equal parts oil and vinegar and rub it very hard into a tough steak, and then let it stand for two hours, with the fond conviction that the meat will be tenderer, which it probably will.
“Or you can save your meat money for quite a while, and buy a good tenderloin and broil it up as you and only you know how, and eat like a man.”
MFK Fisher’s “How to Cook a Wolf” was written at the height of World War II, at a time when wartime rationing demanded dramatic changes in the nation’s diet. Though the book offers homey tips for economy during times of shortage (the water from cooking pasta forms a good soup base), it goes far beyond a mere cookbook and reaches into the cultural and political realm, challenging the assumptions about a balanced, American diet.
Fisher was raised in California, but spent several years of her first marriage in Dijon, France. The book makes numerous references to her years in Europe, of meals of bread and wine and salad, of humble pottages and simple boiled potatoes. Within each charmingly-named chapter (How to Greet the Spring; How to Rise Up Like New Bread), she takes on a narrow topic and fleshes it out with anecdotes, recipes, and reflections which demonstrate food is more than a necessity for living, but a vital part of the human experience.
Fisher’s writing seems all the more prescient with today’s news of looming global food shortages. Moreover, the industrial-nutritional complex which she alludes to is all the more present; even the terms “organic” and “natural” are trotted out by the food industry while the basic concept of a meat-centric, processed, and industrially-sourced diet remain largely unchallenged. Though the hardships of the second World War may have been unique to their time, it is a bracing reminder that one must not be complacent, lest the wolf’s paw slip in through the door.
“These petty tricks seem somewhat more so when gas flows through the pipes and firewood is available and electricity actually turns on with the a button. But in each one of them there is a basic thoughtfulness, a searching for the kernel in the nut, the bite in honest bread … It is a thoughtfulness that we must hold to, in peace or war, if we may continue to eat to live.”
The Artist Gary Farrelly at Pickering Forest
Gary Farrelly has installed his Kunstbureau (studio) in his native Ireland for the first time in half a decade. Until recently, Farrelly was producing and proliferating his work from Dallas, Texas. Prior to that the artist was based in the French capital, Paris from where he conducted his ventures and campaigns. After an unbroken period in urban quarters , Farrelly has decided to isolate himself in the countryside for a defined period of six months. The artist will use this ’splendid isolation’ to research, produce and experiment with new directions in his work, unmolested by unnecessary distractions.
Farrelly’s friend Marina Guinness was enthusiastic about his intention to go “off grid”, generously offering him room, board and a studio at her Pickering Forest country compound. It is a profoundly rural setting and Farrelly commutes on foot through thirty minutes of dense forest from his sleeping quarters to his studio. The idyllic isolation is punctuated when artist friends and collaborators from Dublin, mainland Europe the U.S visit for short periods of ‘holding court’. The hospitality of the Pickering Kunstbureau is legendary. Farrelly’s main aim at Pickering is to complete his masterpiece in progress since March 2010. The enormous map is of an auto-generated city-state called Neustern. Farrelly also calls the work ”Neustern - A portrait of the artist as an autonomous coastal city-state”. The map of the fictional metropolis is rendered in
mixed media/drawing and measures 3 meters x 2 meters. Neustern contains 1044 streets, a river, a cemetery, avenues, plazas, a port, an airport and a Gary Farrelly (1983-2077) square.
New Obsessive, Dublin
Take the ride
I’ll tell you this—to be traveling alone, to show up in a city that’s humid and thick with heat, to take a tuk tuk ride to the river, to get out and walk along the water, to walk fast even though you know it’ll make you sweat, to feel the blood in your arms and the heat on your neck—it makes you strong. Sure there are plenty of kids out there younger than you, better looking than you, traveling longer, farther, harder—but all that matters is how it makes you feel. How it feels to walk the river to a bar that looks like something out of Casablanca, white walls with spinning ceiling fans, to sit under a fan and drink a gin and tonic while in your head Louis Armstrong and friends keep everyone entertained from the piano. Out the window you see old white men with money drive off with cars full of young Cambodian girls, and that’s terrible, one of the ugliest things. But you’re not him. The world is not for saving. It’s for living in.
by Bart Schaneman
Written in Phnom Penh, March 3, 2011
Bart Schaneman is an American writer from the Great Plains. He was raised on a farm in western Nebraska. His writing has appeared in print publications in Asia and throughout the United States. He has recently finished a memoir about traveling and working as an editor for a newspaper in Seoul, South Korea, called Take the Ride.
Buildings of the Red Light
Séparée : A book by
Georg Brennecke, Alexander Merkel, Winston Hampel, Fabian Stuhlinger
Interview by Andreas Unteidig
English text translation by Yasimin Kunz
1.Who/ What are you: A short presentation of you/your team
We are four students from the Staatlichen Akademie der Bildenden Künste Stuttgart. Three architects (Georg Brennecke, Alexander Merkel, Winston Hample) and one communication designer (Fabian Stuhlinger). We like Mariacron.
2.What is your book about? Why did you make it?
Our book »Séparée« incorporates the results of an interdisciplinary research project we undertook in 2010; we looked into the urban phenomenon of the ‘red-light’ milieu and studied its architectural and urban developmental characteristics.
3. What about this environment is interesting for architects and designers?
In every larger German city there is a red-light district; these spaces though have been treated step-motherly and have been neglected in discussion. There exists almost no examination of this topic. There were multiple sociological analyses, but an engagement on a more abstract level, which examines these spaces, had-especially from an architectural viewpoint-not been undertaken.
The main characteristics defining the architecture of the red-light districts are its diverse typological constructions; from the so-called ‘ModellWohnung’ (model apartment), “Laufhäuser”, to the larger ”FKK-Clubs”, these spaces exist for the most part in buildings, which had not been conceptualized for this use. Rather the diverse spaces are being converted and through manifold interventions changed into prostitution objects. The handling of space and place by the ‘red-light’ excels in its high adaptability. This becomes especially poignant in the way the streetwalkers treat the street- their workspace. From cardboard pads, to pillows and swivel chairs various appliances are utilized to annex the public space. This immediate utilization and conversion of space is the main focus of our work.
4. Form/Function/Service/: What are the inter-dependencies of “Intent, Action and Outcome” inherent in this style of architecture?
The connections between intention- the most lucrative sale possible of the sex merchandise-and the result express themselves especially in the duality of these spaces; on one hand the rooms should generate a specific, sexually charged atmosphere, on the other hand they are pure ‘efficiency machines’: appearance is everything.
5. Have you noticed cultural and regional difference between the cities?
Different state laws prevent a standardized handling of prostitution. This leads to very diverse features and appearances from city to city depending on the visibility and acceptance of the red-light district.
In Germany it ranges from a tourist attraction (an example would be Hamburg), a controlled tolerance to the classic dingy neighborhoods, which the city authorities would love to banish. The compliance with the law is handled differently from city to city. This can lead to absurd situations, when for example boroughs where prostitution is against the law, don’t enforce the compliance with the laws surrounding prostitution. These then become judicial grey zones.
6. How are these things handled?
(Have to ask andi what he meant by things).
What are the distinctive features and differences (similarities between the public/official and the privately owned/unofficial brothels?
In Germany prostitution is generally allowed by the law, which results in the existence of only a limited number of unofficial, illegal objects. Often the law these brothels rely on is very uncertain, as there is not a general operating procedure instilled by the authorities. This results in little investment into the state of the actual buildings by these businesses. Only the absolute necessary is being done, so some of these buildings are in a very bad state.
7. So what does architecture have to accomplish in this case? What are the parameters/characteristics of buildings, which work very well in this context?
The judgment of what works well or not always depends on the viewpoint and perspective: for an operator of such a facility the purely economical lining up of performance boxes might work well, the judgment of the clients and the prostitutes of course can be very different.
8. What influence can your work have on prostitution? What influence can prostitution have on your work?
Our work is less directed at the prostitutes than at architects. We explicitly do not try to provide solutions for handling prostitution- we look at this topic from a spatial standpoint; to investigate from a sociological point we are entirely not educated enough in this aspect. We have tried to lift the curtain of perniciousness and to initiate thought about treatment of space in general.
7. Have you tried any of the services? What did you like especially??
We have not tried the services of the profession itself - we wanted to keep a critical distance. Still, of course we visited a variety of establishments and talked to the protagonists of the scene and the members of the community.
We were especially surprised about the openness of many participants while talking to us; there seemed to be a general concern to show their viewpoints to a greater public.
 Brothel, where prostitutes rent their own rooms and wait at the door for johns.
 Sauna Clubs; typically, these are large buildings, often with swimming pool and sauna, a large ‘meet and greet’ room with bar and buffet on the ground floor, TV/video screens, and bedrooms on the upper floors. Operating hours are usually from late morning until after midnight.
1. Wer und was seid ihr: Kurze Vorstellung von Euch/Eurem Team
Wir sind vier Studenten der Staatlichen Akademie der Bildenden Künste Stuttgart.
Drei Architekten (Georg Brennecke, Alexander Merkel, Winston Hample) und ein Kommunikationsdesigner (Fabian Stuhlinger). Wir mögen Mariacron.
2. Was ist Euer Buch? Warum habt Ihr es gemacht?
Unser Buch »Séparée« zeigt die Ergebnisse einer interdisziplinären Forschungsarbeit im Jahr 2010, in der wir uns mit dem urbanen Phänomen »Rotlicht« und dessen architektonischen sowie städtebaulichen Merkmalen auseinander gesetzt haben.
3. Was an dieser Umgebung ist interessant für Architekten/Designer?
Obwohl es in jeder größeren deutschen Stadt ein Rotlichtviertel gibt, werden diese Orte bisher meist eher stiefmütterlich behandelt. Es findet kaum eine Auseinandersetzung mit dem Thema statt. Es wurden zahlreiche soziologische Untersuchungen angestellt, ein Beschäftigung auf einer abstrakteren, die Räume behandelnden Ebene, gab es bisher - insbesondere von Seiten der Architekten – nicht.
Die Rotlichtarchitektur zeichnet sich prinzipiell dadurch aus, dass sie diverse unterschiedliche Typologien ausgebildet hat – von der so genannten Modellwohnung, über Laufhäuser bis hin zu größeren FKK-Clubs – die sich jedoch meist in Gebäuden finden, die nicht speziell für diese Nutzung konzipiert wurden. Vielmehr werden verschiedenste Räumlichkeiten umgenutzt und durch vielfältige Eingriffe zu Prostitutionsobjekten umgewandelt. Der Umgang des Rotlichts mit Räumen (Spaces) und Räumlichkeiten zeichnet sich durch ein hohes Maß an Adaption aus – besonders deutlich wird dies anhand des Umgangs von Straßenprostituierten mit der Straße, ihrem Arbeitsplatz. Von der Pappunterlage, übers Kissen bis hin zum Drehstuhl nutzen sie zahlreiche Mittel um sich den öffentlichen Raum anzueignen. Diese unmittelbare Nutzung und Umnutzung von Raum bildete den Interessenschwerpunkt unserer Arbeit.
3. Form/Funktion/Service/…: Was sind die Interdependenzen von “Intent, Action and Outcome” (Suzie) der Architektur?
Die Zusammenhänge zwischen Intention – also dem möglichst lukrativen Verkauf der Ware Sex – und dem Ergebnis äußern sich insbesondere darin, dass die Räume einerseits eine bestimmte, sexuell aufgeladene Atmosphäre generieren sollen, andererseits aber reine “Effizienzmaschinen” sind: der Schein ist alles…
4. Habt Ihr kulturelle und regionale Besonderheiten/Unterschiede in den einzelnen Städten feststellen können?
Unterschiedliche Gesetzeslagen verhindern einen einheitlichen Umgang mit der Prostitution. Dies führt dazu, dass von Stadt zu Stadt unterschiedlichste Erscheinungsformen auftreten, was die Sichtbarkeit und Akzeptanz von Rotlicht angeht.
In Deutschland reicht die Bandbreite von touristischer Attraktion (am Beispiel Hamburg), über geregelte Duldung bis hin zum klassischen Schmuddelviertel, das die städtischen Ordnungsämter am liebsten aus der Stadt verbannt sehen würden.
Die Einhaltung gesetzlicher Vorgaben wird von Stadt zu Stadt unterschiedlich gehandhabt, was zu teilweise abstrusen Situationen führt, wenn beispielsweise in Bezirken, in denen die Ausübung von Prostitution nicht erlaubt ist, die Einhaltung dieser Gesetze nicht durchgesetzt wird und sie zu rechtlichen Grauzonen verkommen.
5. Wie werden die Dinger geführt? Was sind die Besonderheiten/Unterschiede(Ähnlichkeiten zwischen öffentlichen/offiziellen und privat geführten/inoffiziellen puffs?
Da in Deutschland Prostitution generell erlaubt ist, gibt es verhältnismäßig wenig inoffizielle bzw. illegale Objekte. Häufig ist jedoch die rechtliche Basis der Betriebe recht unsicher, da es keinerlei geregelte Handhabe von Seiten der Obrigkeit gibt. Das führt dazu, dass diese Betriebe sehr wenig in die Gebäude investieren. Es wird nur das Nötigste getan, infolgedessen sich die Gebäude teilweise in einem sehr schlechten Zustand befinden.
6. Was muss die Architektur in diesem Fall leisten? Gibt es Parameter/Charakteristika von Gebäuden, die in diesem Kontext besonders gut funktionieren?
Die Beurteilung davon was, gut bzw. schlecht funktioniert hängt immer von der Perspektive ab: für den Betreiber mag eine rein ökonomische Reihung von Verrichtungsboxen gut funktionieren, das Urteil der Kunden und insbesondere auch der Prostituierten fällt natürlich deutlich anders aus.
7. Welchen Einfluss kann Eure Arbeit auf die Sexarbeit haben? Welchen Einfluss kann die Sexarbeit auf Eure Arbeit haben (Relevante Erkenntnisse)?
Unsere Arbeit richtet sich weniger an Sexarbeiter als an Architekten. Wir versuchen explizit nicht Lösungsvorschläge für den Umgang mit der Prostitution zu geben – wir sehen das Thema vom räumlichen Standpunkt aus, für den soziologischen sind wir überhaupt nicht hinreichend ausgebildet. Wir haben vielmehr versucht, den Vorhang der Verruchtheit zu lüften und damit zum Nachdenken über den Umgang mit Raum im Allgemeinen anzuregen.
7. Habt Ihr die Dienstleistungen ausprobiert? Was hat Euch besonders gut gefallen?
Die Dienstleistungen des Gewerbes selbst haben wir nicht ausprobiert – uns war wichtig eine kritische Distanz zu waren. Nichtsdestotrotz haben wir natürlich diverse Etablissements besucht und mit den Protagonisten der Szene gesprochen. Besonders überraschend war dabei die Offenheit vieler Beteiligter uns Rede und Antwort zu stehen; es schien ihnen ein Anliegen zu sein ihre Sicht der Dinge an die Öffentlichkeit zu bringen.
photo by Suzie Kwak
With the prevalence of outsourcing and the rise of the service
post-industrial economy, the indignant declaration, “We only produce
junk food and porn in America”, has become a platitude among critics.
While patently untrue, this statement indicates, nonetheless,
something about consumer preference in the United States, as far as
the entertainment industry is concerned. The United States is, without
a doubt, one of the largest producers of adult entertainment
worldwide. The market and the internet provide a wide variety of
pornographic materials based on race, hair color, age, subcultures
(e.g. alt porn), fetishes, and sexual orientations, specific sexual
acts and so forth. The United States, however, is not the largest
producer of pornography. According to 2006 statistical data, the U.S.
was ranking only fourth ($13.33 billion) in terms of estimated
revenues of adult entertainment industry, after China ($27.40
billion), South Korea (25.73 billion), and Japan ($19.98 billion).
Adult Entertainment Consumption
Such statistical estimates do not necessarily reflect the consumption
levels of pornography very accurately when one is to regard
consumption of adult entertainment available over the Internet.
According to some sources, the United States ranks first in terms of
number of pornographic websites, having an estimated 89% of all
pornographic web pages in the world. Their number is estimated at
roughly 244 million. Germany, ranking second on the list, hosts merely
a little more than 10 million such pages (Internet Pornography, 2007).
This is not to say that all Americans indulge in excessive, libertine
consumption of porn. Some do more than others.
A 2009 nation-wide study, based on anonymized credit card receipts
issued by a major adult entertainment company, found that highest
porn-consumption states tended to be more conservative and religious
than states with lower levels of consumption of adult entertainment.
The study in question was conducted by Benjamin Edelman from the
Harvard School of Business and is aptly entitled Red Light States: Who
Buys Online Adult Entertainment? From the standpoint of economics,
this study illustrates that the all-mighty Internet has enabled
consumers to purchase products and services which otherwise would
either not be legally available for distribution or be viewed as
socially unacceptable in particular localities. In other words, modern
technology, brought to the masses by the market, has allowed the
market to function freely - social, religious or legal obstacles
notwithstanding. The market’s naughty invisible hand, groping to
satisfy consumer desires, makes political red grow pale and turn into
Demand and Supply
What are economists to make out of these facts, however biased or
unbiased, in terms of demand and supply? In an economy, the demand for
a product (desire and ability to consume) is the driving force behind
supply (production and distribution). According to the law of markets,
formulated by Classical economist Jean Baptist Say in the 19th
century, supply constitutes demand: a producer would not bother to
produce a good or offer a service if the good or service is not
desired by others and cannot be exchanged for other goods either
directly – through barter – or indirectly via money. Thus, a farmer’s
supply of potatoes, meant to be sold on the market, constitutes that
farmer’s desire for other goods which he or she can legitimately
acquire the ability to purchase after selling the potato produce. So,
would the U.S. economy produce such a staggering quantity of
pornography, were the demand for it not high? No, of course, it would
not– as far as economists are to extrapolate.
The issue may not appear so cut-and-dry at first. On the demand side,
there is the vast number of pornographic materials, strewn over the
Internet, available free-of-charge, some of which pirated and other
legally distributed by websites. To the ordinary consumer looking for
pornographic materials, the e-porn seems like a low-to-no-cost
product. One of the famous postulates of economics contends that there
is no such thing as a free lunch. Is this postulate not invalidated
here? No, it is not. Internet websites offering free pink content, not
infrequently, flood the web browsers of their visitors with pop-up
advertisements. Those vexing ads are the opportunity cost that
consumers of free online adult content must pay. Such pop-up ads along
with malware cookies and spam are most likely a source of considerable
revenue for pink entrepreneurs behind these websites. So, at the end
of the day, it is all about the money.
On the supply side, the overabundance of pornographic material and its
increased mass availability has brought about considerable competitive
pressures within the industry. In order to stay in business,
well-established adult industry companies are increasingly widening
their product mix by selling DVDs along with special sex toys,
including artificial copies of vaginas and anuses of famous adult
entertainment actresses. Such diversification of product mix is
generally indicative of strenuous competition. Digital media and the
Internet have turned porn into a highly competitive sector within the
entertainment industry at large.
It is a somewhat curious fact that, much like other entertainment
enterprises, most of the large adult entertainment producers are
geographically concentrated California, in particular - the San
Fernando Valley. The region is, not coincidentally, nicknamed the “San
Pornando Valley” for this reason. For one thing, as far as the supply
of labor is concerned, California offers an abundance of individuals
willing to engage themselves in the adult entertainment business, both
on-screen and off-screen. For another, California and its legal
climate are well receptive to adult entertainment in comparison to
many other states, where producers of adult entertainment face the
risk of possible charges of “pandering.” (Edelman, 2009). Though
curious, these facts are hardly surprising.
The statistical figures on porn consumption may well become a reason
for tumultuous sentiments among moral theologians and feminist critics
of adult entertainment industry. The former would decry the erosion of
family values by the tide of vile and sinful pornography, while the
latter would vehemently denounce the oppressive and prevailing male
chauvinism in advanced capitalist societies, such as the American. A
serious and thorough review of the merits or demerits of these views
is beyond the scope of the present article. It is certainly not my
goal to draw ideologically-charged apocalyptic or alarmist conclusions
and make sweeping pronouncements on morality or the relations between
the sexes. From the standpoint of positive (descriptive) economics,
the pertinent question is whether the adult entertainment industry
exhibits any definitive externalities. Externalities are all
side-effects and byproducts of economic phenomena, both negative (e.g.
air pollution) and positive (e.g. people who have received college
degrees being less likely to engage in violent criminal behavior). In
the case of the porn industry, such effects are extremely difficult to
ascertain and define objectively. It is important to bear in mind that
most statistical figures are mere estimates, which are difficult to
corroborate. Exercises in verbal virtuosity based on plain ideological
visions do not necessarily describe reality, where causality between
pornography, on one hand, and the erosion of “family values” or the
spread of sexism, on the other, are scarcely demonstrable, to say the
least. As a potential positive externality, a definite causal link
between the rise of pornography consumption and the decline of
sex-related crimes in the U.S. may be impossible to ascertain
empirically in much the same manner. The only remaining “tools”
available to an economist to render judgment on the matter are
theoretical and somewhat speculative. With respect to the critiques
launched by religionists and feminists, it must well be recognized
that pornography, by its nature, runs flatly counter to their
fundamental beliefs and ideas. This, however, does not mean that it
necessarily constitutes a negative externality to them. After all,
online pornography, if so repulsive indeed, may make people subscribe
to religious or feminist viewpoints. With respect to socially
repressive environments, ridden with abusive and deviant behavior,
increased availability of pornography may have equally uncertain
positive or negative external effects. The qualitative judgment
required to approach such suppositions is rather subtle.
Does economic theory have anything to say merely about people’s choice
to consume pornography in general, though? Economics differentiates
between individuals with high time preference, engaging in immediate
consumption, and people with low time preference, postponing
consumption for a later day in the future. Therefore, it may be
maintained that some (but not all) consumers of pornographic materials
are most likely people with low time preference, as far as intimate
relations are concerned. If the efforts required to satisfy one’s
intimate desires with another partner are too much or impossible, then
pornography, being somewhat akin to the oldest profession in the
world, offers immediate gratification, i.e. at least a partial
solution or a substitute. It is quite possible that some among these
porn consumers may be potential criminals with low time preference,
unable to wait in order to consume intimacy.
What I would like to suggest is that one must not draw any
generalized conclusions on the adult entertainment industry without
utmost wariness and precaution, given certain lack of clarity. A major
caveat in estimating the size and scope of the pornographic industry,
for example, is the dearth of data provided by the industry itself.
This inevitably raises the query as to why pornographers tend to be so
Does the size truly matter and why is it a secret?
It is exceedingly difficult to find reliable and definitive
information on the size of the adult entertainment industry through
ordinary online sources and, furthermore, through specialized sources
for industry analysts. Most business establishments involved in the
pornographic industry are privately owned companies, disclosing little
or no data on their operations, revenues and profits. The adult
entertainment industry attempts to limit its exposure to the general
public due to historically enduring puritanical attitudes still
prevailing, implicitly and explicitly, across the United States. What
is more, minimal disclosure and awareness is a good protection device
for the industry from extensive regulations. While size (of the
industry) may well matter to adult actors and economic analysts alike,
it is probable to remain unknown and mostly guessed-about. Given most
estimates available, it can be maintained with reasonable certainty,
that the U.S. adult entertainment industry is worth more than $10
billion dollars. On Wall Street, one could even stumble upon an adult
entertainment hedge and private equity fund: Priapus Investment Fund,
managed by AdultVest Inc. (which recently turned out to be fraudulent)
The answer to the query: “So how big is it, exactly?” will be hidden
from the peeping eye of the public, much like the thick cloud of
mysteriousness surrounding the ancient Roman coin-like erotic tokens
Spintriae, much to the frustration of historians.
Whither adult entertainment?
When one is to consider sustainability of business operations, the
case of the U.S. adult entertainment appears quite foggy. The internet
has brought to potential consumers immeasurable quantities of free
pornography leading to intense cut-throat competition. Additionally,
the industry is almost entirely deprived of effective protection of
intellectual property rights, which automatically elevates Internet
“pirate” websites to the level of a serious competitive threat.
Although information on profit margins is largely unavailable, it can
be reasonably surmised that they are rather tight. Given the current
junction of the industry’s development, diversifications of products,
services and product mix, inventing new and attention-grabbing forms
of adult entertainment, further specialization in particular genres
and targeting selected niches of porn consumers may be key strategic
points for survival and success in the business. Whatever the specific
transformations producers of wet entertainment will have to undergo,
the demand for pornographic materials is sure not to dry up. Only the
most resourceful and provocative will have the device to survive the
Kaloyan E. Andonov
A grumpy young economist
Edelman, B. (2009). Markets: Red Light States: Who Buys Online Adult
Entertainment? Journal of Economic Perspectives, 23(1), 209-220.
Retrieved May 5, 2011, from
Pornography Statistics (2007). In Family Safe Media. Retrieved May 5,
2011, from http://www.familysafemedia.com/pornography_statistics.html
PERMANENT CULTURE MAGAZINE
To take notice of what we are,the environment we are in.
Within the urban landscape,we are the natural resource.
How we apply our individual skill sets in a collective forum introduces a dynamic landscape with an abundance of resources.
It’s just how you look at it.
Editor in Chief
Contributors No. 1
Min Sun Kim
Chiara Fillippetto Colette
Denis Di Bartolomeo
Thomas Muzart Colas
Maria Lucia Martinez
Helena Guerrero Rubinstein